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《紐時》稱服貿如木馬屠城 日媒讚林飛帆理性

2014年04月01日10:36  

服貿爭議持續被社會大眾討論,而太陽花學運也還未落幕,前日美國《紐約時報》更以漫畫諷刺《兩岸服貿協議》就宛如木馬屠城記。漫畫中的木馬胸前掛著「來自中國的愛」,文字敘述稱「這群抗議者害怕北京政府來控制台灣的經濟」。

此外,《日經商業周刊》網站中今日對太陽花學運做完整報導,並附上30張現場寫真,形容這起活動是「台灣學生蜂起」。此外,《日經》記者稱在上月29日黑衫軍擁凱道當天,花了10多分鐘對林飛帆進行訪問。

林飛帆指出,這次活動受到國民黨和大眾輿論的壓力,並強烈質疑國民黨使用暴力來干擾太陽花學運的進行。記者問會不會怕來自中國的壓力,林飛帆說,目前沒有直接證據顯示中國有施壓,但可以確定的是,中國共產黨和台灣國民黨走在一起。此外,林飛帆再次重申「退回服貿」的訴求,並稱若馬政府繼續堅持己見,這場學運會是一場持久戰。

而《日經》也稱讚林飛帆的談話相當理性,並形容他就算面對知名政治人物,也毫不怯場。(施旖婕/綜合外電報導)

美國《紐約時報》以漫畫諷刺《兩岸服貿協議》就宛如木馬屠城記。翻自《紐約時報》網站

《日經》讚林飛帆理性。翻自《日經商業周刊》網站

《彭博》稱馬英九錯誤親中 「你不是馬區長」

2014年04月01日11:08  

《彭博》網站今日刊登出一篇由專欄作家皮賽克(William Pesek)所寫的評論,文中以「中國正在失去台灣」為標題,稱總統馬英九的親中政策錯誤,更直指馬英九「不是馬區長」。

文中指出,馬英九讓服貿協議黑箱作業,惹惱了眾多學生,「馬英九忘了他自己帶領的是一個民主國家,而不是中國共產黨的特區」。筆者也批評,馬英九誤以為全民會追隨他的親中政策,但年輕世代並不這麼想,他們正在追尋一種未來和價值觀,不準備放棄自己的權利和自由。

皮賽克也認為,台灣的經濟狀況與美國和日本的相似性遠高於中國,應該跟更多已開發國家簽署自由貿易協定。例如最近台灣和紐西蘭簽署經濟合作協定,就是個不錯的例子。台灣如果想要提高人均所得,應該要善用人力資源、基礎建設和財政資源,而不是只想著只靠賣電視和電腦到中國,就能賺大錢。

最後皮賽克說,從烏克蘭到朝鮮半島,這個世界已經有太多地緣政治危機,這世界不需要台灣和中國的冷戰,「但馬英九應該從失敗中,重新找到出路。他想要推廣服貿,就要賣力說服老百姓。當不同觀點出現時,他應該適度修改他的政策,民主政治就是這樣運作的」。(施旖婕/綜合外電報導)

《彭博》網站登出專欄作家皮賽克的評論「中國正在失去台灣」。翻自《彭博》網站

Taiwan's Ma Ying-jeou is learning a very valuable lesson the hard way: If you want to cozy up to China, it's best not to be too Chinese about it.

The point is being driven home by hundreds of thousands of student protesters, enraged by the Taiwanese president's attempt to enact a trade pact with China in the dark of night. The deal to open up the island's service industries is controversial enough. But when Ma reneged on a promise to allow a clause-by-clause review before implementing it, he infuriated the island's youth. Ma seems to have forgotten he's running a democracy, not a Communist Party precinct.

This nascent battle between students and Ma's ruling Kuomintang Party is about more than bank branches and beauty parlors. It's about where Taiwan intends to position itself in the tug of war between Xi Jinping's China and Barack Obama's U.S. for influence in Asia.

No doubt Xi and Obama never expected Taiwan to flare up as an issue between them this year. In his almost six years as president, Ma has focused intently on improving ties with the mainland. But the students who last month stormed Taiwan's cabinet compound for the first time in history demonstrated the limits and unappreciated consequences of that policy. Although not exactly an Arab Spring, this “Sunflower Movement” suggests the calm across the Taiwan Strait that Beijing and Washington took for granted may officially be over.

Ma should shelve the China deal for now. His argument that backing out would undermine Taiwan's economy and international credibility pales in comparison to the need to preserve the island's hard-won democracy. Yes, China is Taiwan's largest trading partner and Ma's economy has been hit hard by the demise of the personal computer, on which the island largely bet its future. Clearly, alienating Beijing carries costs.

But so does a policy that depends on China's goodwill. Taiwan's sophisticated economy has more in common with those of the U.S. and Japan than China, and it should ink more free-trade pacts with developed nations, like the one recently signed with New Zealand. Its human capital, infrastructure and financial resources give Taiwan the leverage to move up the value-added ladder in the search for the next game-changing technology. That's the only way Taiwan is going to maintain or improve its per capita income of about $39,000 -- not by selling TVs and PCs to Chinese.

Ma's bigger misstep was assuming his people would go along quietly with his Politburo-esque maneuver. Young Taiwanese appear to be mulling a very different future, one that shares the values espoused by the opposition Democratic Progressive Party. Are they proud of their Chinese heritage? Sure. But that doesn't mean they're prepared to give up freedoms and rights that still remain a dream on the mainland.

The Communist Party's subjugation of its own citizens and overreach inHong Kong is feeding the movement. Young Taiwanese have watched as China has backtracked on pledges to allow Hong Kongers to elect their own leaders. Beijing's attempts to impose vaguely written anti-sedition laws and patriotic education, and to clamp down on the city's freewheeling press, are equally unnerving. China should be learning from Hong Kong's civil liberties and first-world financial system, not the other way around.

Taiwanese have to wonder what Beijing might try if Ma got his way and effectively merged the two economies. Trade pacts with China can involve political control as much as economics: Just as oil gives Russia undue influence over Ukraine, China's trade brawn gives its vast leverage from Indonesia to Nigeria. If it's displeased by events in Taipei, Xi could just cut off the flow of business to Taiwan.

Already racked by geopolitical crises from Ukraine to North Korea, the world doesn't need a new cold war between China and Taiwan. But Ma's miscalculation provides a chance for him to start fresh. He should try harder to sell his vision for expanding the 2010 Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement that led to this controversial services deal. Where differences emerge, he should tweak the pact accordingly. In case Ma forgot, that's how democracy works.

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